Who Governs? Presidents, Public Opinion, and Manipulation
by James N. Druckman and Lawrence R. Jacobs
University of Chicago Press, 2015
Cloth: 978-0-226-23438-0 | Paper: 978-0-226-23441-0 | Electronic: 978-0-226-23455-7
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.001.0001
ABOUT THIS BOOKAUTHOR BIOGRAPHYREVIEWSTABLE OF CONTENTS

ABOUT THIS BOOK

America’s model of representational government rests on the premise that elected officials respond to the opinions of citizens. This is a myth, however, not a reality, according to James N. Druckman and Lawrence R. Jacobs. In Who Governs?, Druckman and Jacobs combine existing research with novel data from US presidential archives to show that presidents make policy by largely ignoring the views of most citizens in favor of affluent and well-connected political insiders. Presidents treat the public as pliable, priming it to focus on personality traits and often ignoring it on policies that fail to become salient.

Melding big debates about democratic theory with existing research on American politics and innovative use of the archives of three modern presidents—Johnson, Nixon, and Reagan—Druckman and Jacobs deploy lively and insightful analysis to show that the conventional model of representative democracy bears little resemblance to the actual practice of American politics. The authors conclude by arguing that polyarchy and the promotion of accelerated citizen mobilization and elite competition can improve democratic responsiveness. An incisive study of American politics and the flaws of representative government, this book will be warmly welcomed by readers interested in US politics, public opinion, democratic theory, and the fecklessness of American leadership and decision-making.

AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY

James N. Druckman is the Payson S. Wild Professor of Political Science and Faculty Fellow at the Institute for Policy Research at Northwestern University and an honorary professor of political science at Aarhus University in Denmark. Lawrence R. Jacobs is the Walter F. and Joan Mondale Chair for Political Studies at the Humphrey School of Public Affairs and the Department of Political Science at the University of Minnesota.

REVIEWS

Who Governs? is a very significant contribution to our understanding of how presidents do not simply respond to public opinion but participate in crafting it. A breakthrough.”
— Lisa Disch, University of Michigan

"This fascinating study, based on confidential documents from three US presidents, sheds new light on the relationship between America’s political elites and its citizens. The picture is not pretty: presidents of both political parties seek to manipulate, distract, and often mislead the public in their pursuit of narrow interests that do not benefit the majority of citizens. A compelling, important, and sobering account that underscores just how far America has drifted from the democratic ideal of a government of, by, and for the people."
— Martin Gilens, Princeton University

"Just how responsive is the president to the public? In theory, we all hope very, but increasingly we worry that presidents have grown more distant from the wishes of the public. In Who Governs?, we get an empirical answer to that question that is at once novel and also deeply disturbing."
— Heath Brown, New Books in Political Science

Who Governs? is an exploration of presidents, public opinion, and manipulation. Druckman and Jacobs make the case that presidents from both Republican and Democratic parties mainly serve and are guided by the wishes of the wealthy and political elites and exploit public opinion in order to serve those ends.”
— Talking Points Memo

“Druckman and Jacobs’s Who Governs? is notable in that it offers a rich and complex view on the process of representation in democratic society, one that takes seriously the notion of elite influence over public opinion and that provides compelling evidence that unequal representation exists because of the conscious, strategic actions of political elites. This represents a significant step forward in understanding both why representational biases continue to exist in American politics, and how we might remedy them.”
— Public Opinion Quarterly

“An impressive, thought-provoking work. . . . Druckman and Jacobs skillfully examine how modern presidents have made use of yet another technological advance: sophisticated public opinion polling. . . . The lasting contribution of this book is that it wipes away any romanticized or theoretical notions about how the presidency functions in the American political system. Presidents (at least, the ones considered in the book, but is there any doubt that later ones are doing the same thing with even greater intensity?) are out to get their way. And they now have a tool—polling—that gives them insights into what works and what doesn’t.”
— Congress and the Presidency

“Druckman and Jacobs ask a question that speaks to the fundamental nature of American democracy: How responsive is the government to public opinion? . . . The authors convincingly show that rather than responding to the wishes of ordinary Americans, presidents routinely seek to distract large swaths of voters from important issues, and perhaps even more disturbingly, disingenuously convince them that what is good for the most affluent and well-connected Americans is also good for them.  This persuasive book presents a sobering view of a broken political system that serves the interests of only the narrowest slice of Americans. . . . Highly recommended.”
— Choice

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction

Part I. Political Representation and Presidential Manipulation


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0001
[democratic representation, manipulation, presidential behaviour, public opinion.]
This chapter is framed by three seminal questions in democratic theory that frames book's research on U.S. presidents: What is represented? Who is represented? How do politicians engage citizens? The answers to these questions undermine common models of democratic representation. (pages 3 - 20)


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0002
[private polls, surveys, public opinion, political behaviour, information collection.]
Prior research on political representation has often depended on surveys that are publicly available; this chapter opens the door to a bold new direction--examining the data that presidents themselves collected and used. This chapter details the large and unique polling data used throughout the book along with an exhaustive tracking of presidential statements. (pages 21 - 40)

Part II. Presidential Strategies to Shape Public Opinion


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0003
[public mood, policy opinions, responsiveness, median voter.]
Previous research has not rigorously investigated why politicians decide to collect and use polling data and which type is most strategically attractive. This chapter offers the first analysis that isolates and empirically tests the conditions under which politicians collect and then use different types of polling data. They show that polling on specific policy issues is uncommon owing to its costs, occurring under extreme circumstances when faced with critically important decisions. (pages 43 - 59)


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0004
[unequal voice, unequal representation, conservative coalition, selective responsiveness, Reagan.]
Who is represented? Presidents have long portrayed themselves -- as has prior research -- as "stewards of the people" who serve the entire country and its greater good. This chapter moves in a new direction, demonstrating that presidents devote selective attention to special interests and political loyalists. Presidents develop sophisticated strategies to mobilize specific groups as supporters. For example, in building the Republican coalition, Reagan selectively targeted fundamentalists, conservatives, high income earners, and others in an effort to build a coalition of supporters. (pages 60 - 72)


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0005
[priming, manipulation, image, personality, public opinion.]
Do government officials slavishly cater to citizens? No, according to presidential archives. Instead, presidents attempt to change the electorate's views in order to create leeway to pursue the policy goals that they and their loyal supporters favor. This chapter redirects past research on how priming impacts voters toward understanding White House strategies. Presidents and their aides use their private polling to prime the public to accentuate policy positions that are popular and to managing their public image. (pages 73 - 94)

Part III. America’s Democratic Dilemmas


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0006
[manipulation, learning, political communication, Lyndon Johnson, Vietnam, Great Society]
How effective are American government officials in influencing or manipulating public opinion to manufacture majority support for their agendas and policies? Presidents since at least Lyndon Johnson have pursued a range of strategies to move public opinion and have changed their institutions to enhance their organizational capacity and effectiveness in manufacturing mass support for their agenda and policies. While the White House intent to manipulate public opinion is persistent, this chapter demonstrates that its effectiveness is infrequent and contingent on a rare set of circumstances. (pages 97 - 118)


DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226234557.004.0007
[polyarchy, representation, mobilization, democracy.]
The practice of political representation has eclipsed classic theories about western democracy and requires substantial revision. Although American democracy has become narrowed, segmented, and threatened by elite efforts to move public opinion, it has not yet suffered a grievous wound. Elite strategies to manipulate citizens often fail. Elections and other forms of political participation as well as institutionalized influence may remain potent under certain conditions, generating pressure for translating sustained, strong public preferences into government policy. This chapter uses the concept of "polyarchy" to introduce a fresh framework that acknowledges the barriers to representation and remains attuned to opportunities to leverage elite competition and citizen mobilization foster some degree of democratic attentiveness. (pages 119 - 138)

Acknowledgments

Notes

References

Index