David B. Chesebrough offers in this brief but extremely perspicacious book an illuminating analysis of southern clergy who dissented from the overwhelming majority of Protestant ministers regarding slavery and secession before and during the Civil War. Religion as a major component of southern nationalism has long been a prevailing historiographical orthodoxy among scholars of the Old South. How most southern clergy after 1830 retreated from any earlier antislavery position to affirm the peculiar institution as primarily a civil rather than a religious concern is an old story ultimately ending in biblical justifications of slavery as a positive good. But Chesebrough carefully demonstrates that among southern ministers the argument was always much more than pro-slavery v. antislavery. Southerners also saw the larger contest as "a struggle between true and false religion, between orthodoxy and heresy, and between a biblically revealed religion and a man-made religion" (p. 12).
Yet despite enormous and steadily increasing pressures-social, economic, political, and even physical-there always remained a small "creative minority," in a phrase borrowed from Arnold Toynbee, who opposed first slavery and, by 1861, secession. The South was never a monolithic society, and Chesebrough offers compelling portraits of dissenters such as Richard Fuller, John Gregg Fee, Moncure Daniel Conway, William G. Brownlow, Charles Gillette, Melinda Rankin, John H. Aughey, and James A. Lyon to illuminate the fate, if not martyrdom, of such brave dissenters.
Interestingly, Presbyterians were overrepresented among these dissenters because their church had not split between northern and southern branches as did the Methodists in 1844 and the Baptists in 1845. A common thread for all these dissenters was some contact or exposure to the North. Yet not all dissenters were equally persecuted for their beliefs; a very few managed to hold on to their positions before and during the war. Most, however, were either banished from the South, dismissed from their churches, or driven to financial ruin, imprisonment, or even execution. No clear answer exists to explain the fortunate exceptions, but social class, personality, and good standing within the community offer logical explanations of why a very few dissenters escaped the harsh fate of their fellow dissenters.
The greatest value of Chesebrough's partial but representative account of dissenting clergy in the Old South from 1830 through the Civil War lies in its rich invitation to scholars to conduct additional research to delineate the contour and depth of such dissent. By far the most intriguing unanswered question is Chesebrough's speculation that an even larger number of clerics shared antislavery sentiments with these dissenters but remained silent in order to protect themselves or their families. Even to be suspected of such treason was extremely dangerous in most of the South, particularly during the war years.
Chesebrough finally argues that the fact that dissenting clergy were so few in number "supports the thesis that the clergy are more reflectors of society than molders" (p. 88). In this same vein, he also contends persuasively that the many extant nineteenth-century sermons, contrary to earlier scholarly opinion, are a rich source for measuring the ebb and flow of relevant public opinion on outstanding political and economic issues of the day. One wonders if the hidden dissenters among the southern clergy ever revealed any trace of their true feelings, however cryptically, in these numerous sermons. If such sermons are indeed a rich source for analyzing political issues, Chesebrough's fine-study-points the way toward further exploration of an important key to our understanding of the mind of the Old South in all its diversity and complexity.