Preface vii 
 Part I Introduction 1 
 1 Extraction in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar 3 
 1.1 Extraction: the basic mechanism 9 
 1.1.1 Extraction: emprical characteristics and feature geometry 9 
 1.1.2 Filler/gap linkages: Connectivity via SLASH 12 
 1.1.2.1 The Filler-Head Schema 12 
 1.1.2.2 The Nonlocal Feature Principle 15 
 1.1.2.3 SLASH Termination 17 
 1.1.2.4 A complete UCD pathway 18 
 Top: 19 
 Middle: 20 
 Bottom: 21 
 1.1.3 Some remaining questions 22 
 1.1.4 Beyond topicalization 27 
 1.1.4.1 Wh constructions 27 
 Wh questions 27 
 Relative clauses 29 
 1.1.4.2 Clefts and missing objects constructions 30 
 1.1.4.3 Missing Object and other infinitival constructions 34 
 1.2 Multiple Gap Constructions 39 
 1.2.1 Parasitic gaps 39 
 1.2.1.1 Parasitic gaps in transformational grammar 39 
 1.2.1.2 Parasitic gaps in PSG 42 
 The Kearney paradigm 47 
 Symbiotic gaps 52 
 1.2.1.3 Case conflict in p-gap constructions 54 
 1.2.2 Across-the-Board Extraction from Coordinate Structures 58 
 1.3 After P\&S 94: traceless extraction 60 
 Part II Extraction: unitary across X positions 63 
 2 Subject extraction 67 
 2.1 Problems with previous PSG treatments of subject extraction 72 
 2.1.1 Intervention Effects 72 
 2.1.2 Coordination 73 
 2.1.3 Subject gaps in binding domain languages 74 
 2.1.4 Parasitic Gaps and the Subject Condition 75 
 2.1.5 Parasitic gaps licensed by extracted subjects 76 
 2.1.6 Topicalization 77 
 2.1.7 Summary and conclusions 80 
 2.2 The distribution of subject extraction 80 
 exBtraction from infinitive clauses 83 
 exBtraction from gerundive clauses 83 
 exBtraction from extraposition clauses: 84 
 Complements of Adjectives: 84 
 exBtractions from Complex NP: 85 
 2.3 The Bouma et al./Ginzburg-Sag analyses 86 
 2.3.1 Components of the BMS analysis 86 
 2.3.2 Deficiencies in the BMS treatment of subject extraction? 90 
 2.3.2.1 Rethinking subject extractions 96 
 Alternative 1: treat comps like subj 96 
 Alternative 2: treat subj like comps 101 
 2.3.3 Interlude: a preliminary assessment of the alternatives 103 
 2.4 Subject extraction via traces 105 
 3 Adjunct extraction 109 
 3.1 The problem of adjunct extraction 109 
 3.2 Extraction pathway marking 116 
 3.2.1 Inversion in Romance 116 
 3.2.1.1 French Inversion 116 
 3.2.2 Irish complementizer alternations 118 
 3.2.2.1 Icelandic expletive subjects 121 
 3.2.2.2 Inversion in Yiddish 123 
 3.2.2.3 Downstep suppression in Kikuyu 124 
 3.2.2.4 Gap agreement in Chamorro 126 
 3.2.2.5 Preliminary conclusions: adjunct extraction in universal grammar 
129 
 3.3 Adjunct Extraction in English 131 
 3.3.1 The range of adjunct extraction 131 
 3.3.2 Crossover effects 132 
 3.4 Adjunct Extraction in HPSG 137 
 3.4.1 Problems with the Pollard-Sag account 137 
 3.4.2 Bouma et al. 2001 141 
 3.5 Adjunct extraction in the BMS framework 143 
 3.6 Cumulative scoping adverbials 148 
 3.7 Possible responses 154 
 3.7.1 Selection/scoping mismatches are permitted in head/adjunct 
relations 154 
 3.7.2 Cumulative-scoping adjunct extractions are a special construction 
type 157 
 3.8 Pollard & Sag 1994 revisited 158 
 3.9 Conclusion 162 
 3.10 Summary and conclusions 162 
 Part III Extraction: unitary across constructions 165 
 4 UDCs and antipronominal environments 167 
 4.1 Background 167 
 4.2 The A/B extraction distinction: basic claims 168 
 4.2.1 The empirical basis 168 
 4.2.2 Cinque's proposals 168 
 4.2.3 Postal's arguments for pro gaps 171 
 4.2.4 The empirical status of the A/B distinction evidence 173 
 4.2.4.1 Topicalization 174 
 Temporal NPs 175 
 Extraposed PPs 176 
 There construction nominals 176 
 Other antipronominal contexts 177 
 Extraposition cases 177 
 Exceptive constructions 177 
 Other extrapositions 179 
 Naming position 180 
 Predicate nominals 181 
 4.2.4.2 Clefts 183 
 Non-nominal clefts 183 
 Nonreferential NP clefts 183 
 Amount NP cleft foci 184 
 Predicate nominals and friends 184 
 Antipassivization contexts 186 
 4.2.4.3 Missing Object constructions 187 
 4.2.4.4 Nonrestrictive relatives 189 
 Cross-categorial extraction 189 
 Antipronominal NRR gaps 190 
 NRR in antipassivization contexts 191 
 NRR in finite clause subject contexts 191 
 Relational noun contexts 192 
 4.2.4.5 Parasitic gaps 193 
 Adjunct-internal p-gaps 195 
 Post-VP adjuncts 195 
 Pre-VP adjuncts 195 
 Subject-internal p-gaps 196 
 Temporal adjunct p-gap sites 196 
 Parasitic gaps and antipassivization contexts 197 
 Are AP parasitic gaps cases of ellipsis? 197 
 Are non-nominal parasitic gaps instances of RNR? 200 
 4.2.5 Antipronominal B-extractions, null pro-XPs, and `weak pronominal 
bans' 202 
 5 UDCs and Islandhood 209 
 5.1 Syntactic islands and the A/B extraction distinction 211 
 5.1.1 Islands in Cinque's proposal 211 
 5.1.2 Islands in Postal's proposal 215 
 5.1.2.1 The A/B extraction distinction 215 
 5.1.2.2 A 1 vs. A 2 extractions 218 
 5.1.3 Summary and comparison 220 
 5.2 Islands and island violations: a critique of the evidence 221 
 5.2.1 Island phenomena: key claims and their empirical status 222 
 5.2.1.1 Strong islands in Cinque's framework 223 
 Legal non-nominal adjunct island extractions 223 
 Legal non-nominal extractions from other strong envirnonments 225 
 The processing origins of island sensitivity 226 
 5.2.1.2 Weak islands in Cinque's framework 233 
 5.2.1.3 Islandhood in Postal's analysis 238 
 Weak islands 238 
 Strong islands 241 
 Complex NPs 242 
 Coordinate Structure 244 
 The Coordinate Structure Constraint 244 
 Conjuncts as selective islands: empirical objections 246 
 Coherance constraints and the status of the CSC 250 
 Further issues in conjunct `islandhood' 253 
 5.2.1.4 Adjunct-island gaps 253 
 5.3 Conceptual difficulties in null RP theories of islands 254 
 Symbiotic gaps and the null RP hypothesis 255 
 Case conflict and the null RP hypothesis 259 
 The A 1 /A 2 dichotomy and other refinements 260 
 5.4 Conclusion: islandhood and the unity of extraction hypothesis 263 
 6 UDCs and Weak Crossover 265 
 6.1 Overview 265 
 6.2 Is WCO diagnostic for gap type? 267 
 6.2.1 Previous Treatments of WCO 267 
 6.2.2 Lasnik \& Stowell 1991 267 
 6.2.3 Pollard (ms) 274 
 6.2.4 Assessment of results 275 
 6.2.5 WCO as (non)evidence for gap type 282 
 6.3 Further difficulties in predicting WCO effects 286 
 6.4 Munn on UDCs and the Semantics of Gap-Types 287 
 6.4.1 Munn on B-extractions 287 
 6.4.2 Munn's semantic account of B-extraction: an assessment 290 
 6.4.2.1 Munn's background assumptions 290 
 6.4.2.2 Functional interpretations 292 
 6.4.2.3 Amount Readings 297 
 6.5 Summary and conclusions 299 
 6.6 The unity of extraction: a summing up 301 
 7 The Syntax of Missing Object Constructions 303 
 7.1 The complement structure of tough constructions 303 
 7.1.1 Introduction: the problem and some background 303 
 7.1.1.1 Classical arguments that for us is a PP complement of 
easy 304 
 Bresnan 1971 304 
 Chomsky 1973b, Lasnik & Fiengo 1974 305 
 7.1.1.2 The failure of the syntactic arguments for PP VP 305 
 Bresnan's extraposition argument 306 
 Tough prosody 307 
 Putative PP displacement 308 
 The agument from worth 308 
 Adverbial difficile controllers in French 309 
 English `topicalized' PP controllers 311 
 The argument from semantic (in)accessibility 312 
 Guyanese Creole 313 
 Brazilian Portuguese 314 
 7.1.1.3 Why [easy + S] is preferable to [easy PP VP] 318 
 The argument from comparatives 318 
 The argument from parasitic gaps 319 
 The argument from extraposition 325 
 7.1.1.4 Semantic composition in a clausal analysis 327 
 7.2 The nature of the MOC gap 334 
 7.3 Are MOC gaps instances of control? 338 
 MOC gaps are exclusively object gaps. 339 
 MOC filler/gap linkages cannot enter finite domains 340 
 MOCs are heavily restricted in their access to certain nominal complements 
341 
 MOC environments are not islands for extraction 342 
 MOCs support clausal antecedents, SLASH constructions don't 343 
 MOCs are licensed by lexical items, unlike uncontroversial UDCs 344 
 Raising is exempt from SCO 345 
 Control is exempt from SCO effects 346 
 Raising/Control constructions do not reflect NDC effects 347 
 Parasitic constructions militate against treating MOCs as raising/control 
constructions 348 
 8 What are extraction gaps? 355 
 8.1 Terminating SLASH paths: some issues 355 
 8.2 The methodological issue 356 
 8.3 Empirical issues 359 
 8.3.1 Pickering and Barry 91 359 
 8.3.2 Floating quantifiers and unextractable conjuncts 361 
 Floated quantifier islands 361 
 The Conjunct Constraint 362 
 What has been established? 362 
 8.4 In defense of traces 363 
 8.4.1 Adjunct extraction once again 364 
 8.4.2 Adjuncts as valents vs. adjuncts as dependents 365 
 8.4.2.1 Morphosyntactic flagging of extraction pathways 365 
 Irish complementizers and SLASH Amalgamation 366 
 exHtracted adjuncts pathways: a second look 368 
 8.4.2.2 Case marking on adjuncts 373 
 8.5 Cumulative scoping adjunct extraction revisited 374 
 Subject/complement extraction 375 
 Adjunct extraction 376 
 Cumulative-scoping adjunct extraction 377 
 8.6 Iterated modification 378 
 8.7 Unselected adjuncts and the traceless analysis of extraction 379 
 8.8 Conclusions: Adjuncts and traces 383 
 Afterword: The Limitations of Syntax 387 
 References 391 
 Index 397 




Library of Congress Subject Headings for this publication: Grammar, Comparative and general Syntax, Extraction (Linguistics)Generative grammar