The Power of Tiananmen State-Society Relations and the 1989 Beijing Student Movement
by Dingxin Zhao
University of Chicago Press, 2001
Cloth: 978-0-226-98260-1 | Paper: 978-0-226-98261-8 | Electronic: 978-0-226-98262-5
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.001.0001
ABOUT THIS BOOKAUTHOR BIOGRAPHYTABLE OF CONTENTS

ABOUT THIS BOOK

In the spring of 1989 over 100,000 students in Beijing initiated the largest student revolt in human history. Television screens across the world filled with searing images from Tiananmen Square of protesters thronging the streets, massive hunger strikes, tanks set ablaze, and survivors tending to the dead and wounded after a swift and brutal government crackdown.

Dingxin Zhao's award-winning The Power of Tiananmen is the definitive treatment of these historic events. Along with grassroots tales and interviews with the young men and women who launched the demonstrations, Zhao carries out a penetrating analysis of the many parallel changes in China's state-society relations during the 1980s. Such changes prepared an alienated academy, gave rise to ecology-based student mobilization, restricted government policy choices, and shaped student emotions and public opinion, all of which, Zhao argues, account for the tragic events in Tiananmen.

AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY

Dingxin Zhao is an associate professor of sociology at the University of Chicago.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreward by Charles Tilly

Preface

Chronology

- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0001
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, China, Tiananmen Square, government policy, repression, state-society relations, intellectual elites, economic reform, state legitimacy, public opinion]
On the morning of April 22, 1989, seven days after the emergence of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement, a state funeral was held for Hu Yaobang inside the Great Hall of the People. The previous night, about 50,000 students had gone to Tiananmen Square, just outside the Great Hall of the People, in order to be part of that funeral. The 1989 Beijing Student Movement has three major characteristics: frequent government policy changes back and forth from concession to repression, quick and successful participant mobilizations, and the dominance of traditional forms of language and action during the movement. This book argues that the rise and development of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement can be explained in terms of state-society relations in China, understood in three impure dimensions: in terms of the nature of the state, of the nature of society, and of the economic, political, and ideational linkages between the state and society. It examines the role of intellectual elites in the 1989 Movement, economic reform in China, state legitimacy, and public opinion about the Movement. (pages 1 - 36)
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Part One: The Origin of the 1989 Student Movement

- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0002
[China, 1989 Beijing Student Movement, state-society relations, social changes, economic reform, market economy, state-led reform, high culture, popular culture]
This chapter examines how particular state-society relations contributed to the rise of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement and shaped its development. It first looks at the history of China's historical state-society relations before the rise of the 1989 Movement and provides an overview of Chinese society in the 1980s. For the purpose of understanding the origin of the 1989 Movement and mass participation during it, the chapter focuses on the social changes brought about by the largely state-led reform. The scale and impact of the social changes brought by the economic reform was revealed by waves of “social fevers” during the 1980s. Both the high culture fevers and the popular culture fevers resulted from a sudden influx of new information from the West and a simultaneous rediscovery of the Chinese past. This chapter also discusses China's transition to a market economy. (pages 39 - 52)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0003
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, China, communism, intellectual elites, democracy, Mao Zedong, state-society relations, political reform, economic crisis]
The 1989 Beijing Student Movement was framed around issues concerning the economic crisis and pro-democratic political reform in China. While the rank-and-file students provided manpower, it was the intellectual elites who supplied ideologies for the movement. This chapter explores how state-society relations during and before the reform era in China gave rise to radical intellectual elites, and how those elites in turn contributed to the rise of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement. It first gives a brief overview of the characteristics of modern Chinese intellectuals before the communists took power. It then analyzes the impact of communism and especially of Mao Zedong's rule on Chinese intellectuals. It shows how, after they had been frightened by state power under Mao, intellectuals persistently fought for democracy during the 1980s. In the meantime, however, their understanding of democracy, as well as of China's problems in general, had been severely limited both by Marxist and populist thinking and practice and by their poor intellectual capacity in the wake of the state's long-time monopoly of information. (pages 53 - 78)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0004
[China, economic reform, universities, student activism, four modernizations, socialism, job placement, intellectuals, students, 1989 Beijing Student movement]
Relationships between the state and society before and during the 1980s facilitated the formation of a group of radical intellectuals and students in China, and their activities and interactions with the state paved the way for the rise of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement. Why did this group support the movement? Evidence suggests that this had much to do with a set of state policy changes during the period of reform. These changes created an alienated academy ripe for activism. In addition, the mutual reinforcement of state policy and social demands led to a great expansion of higher education. This chapter examines this whole process and its negative impact on intellectuals and students. It argues that an overexpansion of enrollment in universities had a greater impact on China than on developed nations because of the fact that the university is a radical institution in China. It first discusses China's economic reform measures that include the “four modernizations” development strategy and then looks at socialism, the problems of job placement after graduation, and the rise of student activism in universities. (pages 79 - 100)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0005
[China, universities, student control system, political control system, intellectual elites, students, student activism, 1989 Beijing Student movement, student mobilization]
This chapter examines the student control system in Chinese universities during the 1980s, showing how it was greatly weakened by changes in social structure brought about by the reform. This weakening facilitated the spread of non-conformist ideas from intellectual elites to the aggrieved students, thus contributing to the actual rise of the 1989 Beijing Student movement. The chapter first discusses the foundations and problems of the political control system in China. It then examines how a campus environment which had once facilitated control over students became conducive to student mobilization, and how political control institutions in Beijing universities were captured for mobilizational purposes after the decline of political control. Finally, it presents some quantitative evidence that directly links the effectiveness of political control to the level of student activism and that shows which facets of weakening control coincided with the spatial patterning of student activism. (pages 101 - 122)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0006
[China, economic reform, inflation, corruption, economic crisis, intellectual elites, students, 1989 Beijing Student Movement, social changes]
By the late 1980s, China's economic reform had gone into a deep crisis. Inflation and corruption hounded Chinese society. People's confidence in the reform was at its lowest point, and grievances mounted. The emerging economic crisis not only further radicalized the liberal intellectual elites but also alienated the rest of the students and urban residents. To better understand the mass support for the 1989 Beijing Student Movement, this chapter discusses the socioeconomic environment immediately before the movement's outbreak. It argues that, among other activities, going abroad had been a major route for Chinese students to escape from the unhappy domestic reality, and that the diminishing possibilities for going abroad at the end of the 1980s drew students to domestic politics. As 1989 approached, some intellectual elites persistently pushed for desired social changes — actions that constituted the final episode before the rise of the 1989 Movement. (pages 123 - 142)
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Part Two: The Development of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement

- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0007
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, Hu Yaobang, Tiananmen Square, students, hunger strike, Beijing, China]
Before analyzing how state-society relations contributed to the development of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement in China, it is important to know more precisely how the movement unfolded. This chapter offers a narrative of the movement, chronologically arranged into four major sections which correspond to the movement's major periods. This narrative does more, however, than just give a general description of the movement. It highlights a few major events and issues that were important to the development of the movement but that nevertheless have not received enough attention in previous writing. In addition, it focuses on the contingencies that also shaped the 1989 Movement, such as Hu Yaobang's sudden death, the three students kneeling in Tiananmen Square, the conflict and lack of communication among student activists before the hunger strike, the hunger strike, and the arrival of large numbers of students from other cities in Beijing. (pages 145 - 208)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0008
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, state legitimacy, government behavior, concession, repression, state control, factionalism, politics, social control]
During the 1989 Beijing Student Movement, the Chinese government went back and forth several times between policies of concession and repression, neither of which was successful. Eventually, the government suppressed the movement with military force, ending it tragically. Both the frequent changes in state policy and the eventual repression have been commonly explained as the outcome of power struggles between reform and conservative factions within the government. This chapter argues that the key factor underlying these policy changes and the consequent development of the movement was the ineffectiveness of previous state control measures, an ineffectiveness which in turn had resulted from the presence of conflicting views of state legitimacy in the minds of top state elites, the movement activists, and the rest of Beijing's population. After providing a critical review of theories of factionalism in Chinese politics, the chapter presents a model that reveals the Chinese state's fundamental social control problems by bringing into focus the nature of the regime and its sources of legitimation. Finally, it offers an empirical account of government behavior during the 1989 Movement. (pages 209 - 238)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0009
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, campus ecology, Beijing, student activism, student life, demonstration, universities, student mobilization, state-society relations]
A central question in social movement research has been that of the mechanisms of participant mobilization. Since the 1970s, social movement scholars have put great emphasis on the role of formal organizations and movement networks in movement mobilization. Currently, the idea that organizations and pre-existing networks are the basis of movement mobilization has become conventional wisdom. In Beijing, the ecology of university campuses facilitated student mobilization beyond its encouragement of movement organizations and student networks. This chapter examines the role of campus ecology in student mobilization during the 1989 Beijing Student Movement. It first discusses state-society relations and mobilization structures and then looks at universities in Beijing, focusing on their physical layout and typical student life on campus. It also considers interuniversity competition for student activism in Beijing, along with the April 27 demonstration. (pages 239 - 266)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0010
[student movements, China, state-society relations, 1989 Beijing Student Movement, rhetoric, identity card]
The May 4th Movement of 1919, the December 9th Movement of 1935–1936, and the 1989 Beijing Student Movement are the three largest student movements in the history of twentieth-century China. Why did the 1989 Movement have a particular pattern of activities and what was the impact of those activities on the dynamics of the movement? So far, scholars have approached this type of question from a cultural perspective. For example, to prevent other Beijing populations from joining the demonstration, students often set up picket lines and made anyone who wanted to join a march show his or her student identity card. This chapter asks why movement participants adopt certain forms of rhetoric and action and not others, focusing on the role of state-society relations. After a short introduction to the two earlier student movements, it examines the patterns of movement rhetoric and activities during the 1989 Movement. It then describes the different state-society relationships underlying the May 4th, December 9th, and 1989 movements. (pages 267 - 296)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0011
[1989 Beijing Student Movement, state-society relations, public opinion, communication, social movements, media, news coverage]
Media coverage of a social movement, and the way it is covered, have been crucial to the public awareness, support, and development of social movements. Although there are significant differences among the positions taken by media scholars, most see both the media and public opinion in the West as relatively conformist institutions. When a news story is about the government, reports generally reflect official views. Since many social movements are anti-establishment, the media tend to neglect them. Even when the media report on a social movement, they tend to marginalize, trivialize, and distort the scale and the goals of the movement. Such distortions are also characteristic of public opinion. This chapter analyzes the pattern of interactions between the media and public opinion and its impact on the 1989 Beijing Student Movement, focusing on state-society relations. It starts with an analysis of the range of news coverage in China before the rise of the 1989 Movement and then considers which communication channels were most important to the dynamics of the movement. (pages 297 - 330)
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- Dingxin Zhao
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226982625.003.0012
[China, political stability, state-society relations, intellectual elites, students, urban residents, 1989 Beijing Student Movement]
This chapter discusses three issues: First, in sharp contrast to its repeated political upheavals during the 1980s, China exhibited a prolonged period of political stability in the 1990s. Second, although China has experienced many positive changes in the 1990s, the state-society relations that led to the rise and shaped the development of the 1989 Beijing Student Movement have not been fundamentally altered. Therefore, another large-scale social movement is still possible in China in the future, and, once it begins, it may also follow a dynamic similar to that of the 1989 Movement. To avoid having such a movement happen again, the current Chinese leaders need to place political reform at the top of their agenda. This chapter also highlights some major theoretical goals as well as the basic characteristics of state-society relations theory. Finally, it examines how intellectual elites, rank-and-file intellectuals and students, and urban residents contributed to political stability in the 1990s. (pages 331 - 356)
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Appendix 1: A Methodological Note

Appendix 2: Interview Questions

References

Name Index

Subject Index