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In recent years, the capacity of civil society to respond to crises has been increasingly constrained by rising authoritarianism. Yet in West Africa, where civil society has historically played a pivotal role in democratization, this trend reveals deeper structural challenges. Unraveling of Civil Society examines how international aid strategies emphasizing technical capacity and professionalization have inadvertently contributed to the politicization and fragmentation of civil society in Guinea and Sierra Leone.

Drawing on extensive fieldwork—including interviews with representatives of more than a hundred locally led organizations, analysis of 260 strategic plans, and collection of cross-national survey data—this book offers a rare longitudinal and comparative study of civil society in the region. It traces how donor-driven models have led organizations to become sector specific, mimic donor institutions, or align with political interests—ultimately reducing organizational diversity and weakening the social infrastructure necessary for collective action and crisis resilience.

The book situates these findings within broader debates on democratic backsliding, noting that three of the nine countries that transitioned to autocracy between 2021 and 2023—Guinea, Chad, and Mali—are in West Africa. Despite significant international investment, “coup culture” and unconstitutional power shifts have resurged, raising urgent questions about the effectiveness of aid and the role of civil society in sustaining democratic norms.

Combining comparative historical analysis with a mixed-methods approach, Unraveling of Civil Society challenges prevailing assumptions about capacity building and offers practical recommendations for democratizing local organizations from within. It advocates for participatory governance and funding mechanisms and engages with ongoing conversations around the localization and decolonization of aid in a shifting geopolitical landscape.

This book is essential reading for scholars of African studies, political science, development studies, and global civil society as well as for practitioners in crisis management and political reform.

Now expanded to include the story of nuclear testing and its consequences, Uranium Frenzy has become the classic account of the uranium rush that gripped the Colorado Plateau region in the 1950s. Instigated by the U.S. government's need for uranium to fuel its growing atomic weapons program, stimulated by Charlie Steen's lucrative Mi Vida strike in 1952, manned by rookie prospectors from all walks of life, and driven to a fever pitch by penny stock promotions, the boom created a colorful era in the Four Corners region and Salt Lake City (where the stock frenzy was centered) but ultimately went bust. The thrill of those exciting times and the good fortune of some of the miners were countered by the darker aspects of uranium and its uses. Miners were not well informed regarding the dangers of radioactive decay products. Neither the government nor anyone else expended much effort educating them or protecting their health and safety. The effects of exposure to radiation in poorly ventilated mines appeared over time.

The uranium boom is only part of the larger story of atomic weapons testing and its impact in the western United States. Nuclear explosions at the Nevada Test Site not only spurred uranium mining, they also had a disastrous impact on many Americans: downwinders in the eastward path of radiation clouds, military observers and guinea pigs in exposed positions, and Navajo and other uranium mill workers all became victims, as deaths from cancer and other radiation-caused diseases reached much higher than normal rates among them. Tons of radioactive waste left by mines, mills, and the nuclear industry and how to dispose of them are other nagging legacies of the nuclear era. Recent decades have brought multiple attempts by victims to obtain compensation from the federal government and other legal battles over disposal of nuclear waste. When courts refused to grant relief to downwinders and others, Congress eventually interceded and legislated compensation for a limited number of victims able to meet strict criteria, but did not adequately fund the program. Recently, Congress attempted to fix this shortfall, but in the meantime many downwinders and others holding compensation IOUs had died. Congressional and other efforts to dispose of waste have lately focused on Nevada and Utah, two states all too familiar with nuclear issues and reluctant to take on further radioactive burdens.