Is economic equality necessary for social peace? Why do the strong oppress and impoverish the weak? How are developing nations overcoming the legacy of colonialism? These are a few of the many thought-provoking concerns addressed in this book. The first in a new series—The W. E. B. Du Bois Lectures—it tackles a wide range of topics dealing with the economics of racial conflict in important areas of the world. Race is often introduced as a key factor, whether it is or not, in such highly controversial subjects as colonialism, federalism, dual labor markets, affirmative action, multinational corporations, the international economic order, and of course discrimination itself. W. Arthur Lewis discerns the ways in which race and economics affect individuals and groups, bringing a personal viewpoint to the problems faced by both less-developed and more-developed countries.

How many black vice-presidents should a major North American corporation employ? Do East Indians and Canadians demonstrate more aptitude for business than West Indians? Does affirmative action work in education or business? Though he boldly confronts grave national and international problems, Lewis does so with wisdom, equanimity, optimism, even a touch of humor. His individualistic and commonsensical thoughts and opinions may not please or satisfy everyone, but they cannot fail to intrigue and invite discussion.

The wave of liberalization that swept world markets in the 1980s and 90s altered the ways that governments manage their economies. Reinventing State Capitalism analyzes the rise of new species of state capitalism in which governments interact with private investors either as majority or minority shareholders in publicly-traded corporations or as financial backers of purely private firms (the so-called “national champions”). Focusing on a detailed quantitative assessment of Brazil’s economic performance from 1976 to 2009, Aldo Musacchio and Sergio Lazzarini examine how these models of state capitalism influence corporate investment and performance.

According to one model, the state acts as a majority investor, granting the state-owned enterprise (SOE) financial autonomy and allowing professional management. This form, the authors argue, has reduced many agency problems commonly faced by state ownership. According to another hybrid model, the state uses sovereign wealth funds, holding companies, and development banks to acquire a small share of equity ownership in a corporation, thereby potentially alleviating capital constraints and leveraging latent capabilities.

Both models have benefits and costs. Yet neither model has entirely eliminated the temptation of governments to intervene in the operation of natural resource industries and other large strategic enterprises. Nevertheless, the longstanding debate over whether private ownership is superior or inferior to state capitalism has become irrelevant, Musacchio and Lazzarini conclude. Private ownership is now mingled with state capital on a global scale.

As the rest of the world worries about what a future might look like under Chinese supremacy, Edward Luttwak worries about China’s own future prospects. Applying the logic of strategy for which he is well known, Luttwak argues that the most populous nation on Earth—and its second largest economy—may be headed for a fall.

For any country whose rising strength cannot go unnoticed, the universal logic of strategy allows only military or economic growth. But China is pursuing both goals simultaneously. Its military buildup and assertive foreign policy have already stirred up resistance among its neighbors, just three of whom—India, Japan, and Vietnam—together exceed China in population and wealth. Unless China’s leaders check their own ambitions, a host of countries, which are already forming tacit military coalitions, will start to impose economic restrictions as well.

Chinese leaders will find it difficult to choose between pursuing economic prosperity and increasing China’s military strength. Such a change would be hard to explain to public opinion. Moreover, Chinese leaders would have to end their reliance on ancient strategic texts such as Sun Tzu’s Art of War. While these guides might have helped in diplomatic and military conflicts within China itself, their tactics—such as deliberately provoking crises to force negotiations—turned China’s neighbors into foes. To avoid arousing the world’s enmity further, Luttwak advises, Chinese leaders would be wise to pursue a more sustainable course of economic growth combined with increasing military and diplomatic restraint.