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In the field of negotiation theory, the Harvard Project’s Getting to Yes and Donald Trump’s The Art of the Deal occupy polar opposition locations on a spectrum considering distributive and integrative negotiation theories. The Art of Getting More Back in Diplomacy offers case studies from international negotiations in which the author participated that can help illustrate the tactics and theories of each type of negotiation and to make students in law, business, and other fields into better negotiators. Among the case studies are lessons drawn from negotiating denuclearization with North Korea, political reconciliation in Libya, human rights improvements in China, Israel-Palestinian peace processes, and UN negotiations over surveillance, privacy, atrocities prevention, LGBTI rights, and other fundamental freedoms. By illustrating these lessons, The Art of Getting More Back in Diplomacy strengthens the tools that students and teachers of negotiations should have in their negotiating toolbox. Perhaps most importantly, Richardson provides concrete examples of how a negotiator is likely to Get More Back for their clients if they deploy these tactics, rather than having them used against the negotiator.

“A major contribution to Civil War and naval history.” —Journal of Southern History 

The Civil War was fought not only on American battlefields but also in the shipyards, diplomatic salons, and ports of Europe. In this sweeping history of the Confederate navy’s operations overseas, Warren Spencer traces the South’s ambitious efforts to build, equip, and deploy a naval force across the Atlantic. Drawing on extensive archival research in the United States, Great Britain, and France, the book reveals how Confederate agents, diplomats, and naval officers pursued international support while attempting to challenge Union power on the seas. 

More than a military narrative, this study offers a richly detailed examination of the intersection of naval warfare, diplomacy, and international politics. The author synthesizes scattered research and original documentary evidence to provide a comprehensive account of Confederate naval activity in Europe, illuminating the roles of shipbuilders, foreign governments, intelligence networks, and naval leaders. By engaging both published sources and archival records, the book presents fresh interpretations of controversial episodes and demonstrates how events far from American shores shaped the course of the Civil War. 

This volume will appeal to readers of Civil War history, naval history, diplomatic history, and international relations. Scholars, students, and history enthusiasts alike will appreciate its careful research, engaging narrative, and global perspective on a conflict too often viewed solely through a domestic lens. Anyone interested in the maritime dimensions of the Civil War or the Confederacy’s quest for recognition abroad will find this book both enlightening and compelling.

What is papal diplomacy and what role does it play on the larger geopolitical stage? Why does it matter what popes say to a global audience? "As John Tanyi points out, papal diplomacy has followed a trajectory all its own over the years.  In today’s globalized world, the Holy See stands out as an important communicator with a widely respected moral voice.  It is often said that 'When the Pope speaks, the world listens.'  What sets the diplomatic voices of the Holy Father and his envoys apart from all others is that they speak and act for the good of humanity––not just for the sovereign entity they represent, and not just for Catholics.  As a former foreign minister of the Holy See, Cardinal Jean Louis Tauran, once described the mission of papal diplomats:  'Our duty is to promote and defend not only the freedom and rights of Catholic communities around the world, but also to promote certain principles without which there is no civilization.'" 
     The particular example of Pope John Paul II is a groundbreaking example of the critical nature of ecclesiastical diplomacy and why popes as diplomats are playing at a greater level than other statesmen. As George Weigel notes, popes must combat all the problems of the world, but also importantly what he calls the 'tyranny of the possible'––that is, in all things compromise and complacency will play a part. It is the position occupied by one man, the heir of St. Peter, to know when to defy the entirety of global politics (and sometimes what seems like common sense) to say 'yes' and 'no' definitively in light of unchanging truths.  

The Good Neighbor Policy was unique: a great power obligated itself not to use force in its dealings with twenty smaller powers and not to interfere in their domestic politics. It was a policy that lasted, with some perturbations, for twenty years: instituted by President Roosevelt in 1933 and carried out effectively from 1933 to 1943 by word and action, maintained during the Second World War largely as a result of British concern for continuance of Argentine beef exports, codified in the Charter of the Organization of American States in 1948, and reasserted by Truman and Acheson in 1950–51, it was covertly repudiated in Guatemala in 1954 by Eisenhower and the Dulles brothers, and not so secretly by Kennedy in the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961. Openly shattered in the Dominican Republic by Johnson in 1965, it has since been completely abandoned in favor of the usual relationships between large and small powers.

Working with documents from the Public Records Office in London and the National Archives, with recently released materials from the U.S. Department of State, and with secondary sources, Bryce Wood describes the temptations laid before the leaders of one powerful state by its occasionally recalcitrant neighbors, and the ways of reacting that were found. Having told half the story in his The Making of the Good Neighbor Policy, Wood now concludes it in the present volume. One of the chief casualties is shown to be the Organization of American States, which since 1954 has found itself badly crippled in its work to promote harmony and continued cooperation among the member states.

Historically, it has been assumed that war is violence and declarations of war are simply public announcements that serve to initiate combat. Brien Hallett denies both assumptions and claims that war is policy, not violence.

The Lost Art of Declaring War analyzes the crucial differences between combat and war and convincingly argues that the power to "declare" war is in actuality the power to compose a text, draft a document, write a denunciation. Once written, the declaration then serves three functions: to articulate the political purposes of the war, to guide and direct military operations, and to establish the boundary between justified combat and unjustified devastation.

Hallett sounds a clarion call urging the people and their representatives to take up the challenge and write fully reasoned declarations of war. Then, and only then, can a civilized nation like the United States lay claim to being fully democratic, not only in peacetime, but in wartime as well.

How do international leaders emerge and why are they successful in bringing followers to converge on their positions? The Passion of International Leadership draws on recent advances in political psychology and state-of-the-art research in International Relations to go beyond current knowledge and simplistic accounts of international leadership. It tells surprising and intense stories of policymakers at the head of great powers attempting to cooperate during crisis moments, and uses these stories to challenge commonly held beliefs and intuitions about international leadership.

Beauregard explores international leadership in four cases of transatlantic cooperation when Western policymakers were confronted with foreign conflicts, like civil or secessionist wars. He provides a fascinating study of the recognition of Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia during the wars in Yugoslavia; the peace mediation during the Russia-Georgia war in 2008; the adoption of economic sanctions against Russia over the conflict in Ukraine; and finally, cooperation on striking against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The book argues that leaders are driven by their convictions, and that they must strike a balance between the intense emotions associated with their beliefs and their need to represent a broader community. At the same time as they seek to bring followers on board by persuading them, they need to pay attention to emotionally contagious and resonant events that can alter the course of international cooperation.

A deep dive into the mechanics of national human rights institutions and the forces that make or break their success.

In the years since World War II, the endeavor to promote human rights has gained momentum and become increasingly important within international relations. Yet these efforts often run into serious problems of enforcement.

Many countries formed national human rights institutions (NHRIs) with independent mandates to support and monitor government compliance with international human rights law. Be they commissions, ombudsmen, or tribunals, these institutions vary in their power and impact. For this book, Corina Lacatus surveyed NHRIs in Europe and around the world to determine their effectiveness and explain why some succeed while others fail.

The Strength of Our Commitments explores the relationship between the domestic and international support an institution receives and its ability to secure resources, credibility, and tangibly improve human rights conditions. Lacatus shows that NHRIs can be models of resilience, even in the face of opposition from political elites. Although their impact on human rights is difficult to measure, The Strength of Our Commitments shows how NHRIs’ strength comes from clearly defined formal powers, strong institutional leadership, and independence from political interference.

The Peloponnesian War (431–404 BCE) ostensibly arose because of the fear that a rising Athens would threaten Sparta’s power in the Mediterranean. The idea of Thucydides’ Trap warns that all rising powers threaten established powers. As China increases its power relative to the United States, the theory argues, the two nations are inevitably set on a collision course toward war. How enlightening is an analogy based on the ancient Greek world of 2,500 years ago for understanding contemporary international relations? How accurate is the depiction of the history of other large armed conflicts, such as the two world wars, as a challenge mounted by a rising power to displace an incumbent hegemon?Thucydides’s Trap?: Historical Interpretation, Logic of Inquiry, and the Future of Sino-American Relations offers a critique of the claims of Thucydides’s Trap and power-transition theory. It examines past instances of peaceful accommodation to uncover lessons that can ease the frictions in ongoing Sino-American relations.

Examines the enduring myth of Ghanaian exceptionalism and neoliberal freedom.

What is the legacy of the African Revolution today? Black Studies scholar and anthropologist Bayo Holsey addresses this question by examining the twenty-first-century relationship between the United States and Ghana, a nation that was once associated with a powerful vision of Black freedom. In Tyrannies of Freedom, she demonstrates that the period that saw the expansion of the US counterterror state also witnessed attempts to discredit this vision of freedom and replace it with another—one that centers the agency of US politicians, media pundits, and development experts.

Analyzing international development discourses, the anti-trafficking regime’s representational economy, and the expansion of Ghana’s branding as a homeland of the African diaspora, Holsey interrogates the operation of a millennial neocolonial assemblage that asserts, in various ways, that the United States is the guarantor of Ghanaian freedom while simultaneously implementing policies of surveillance, endangerment, and exploitation. At the same time, Holsey shows how Ghanaians and other Black subjects have contested these projects. Tracking the transformation of the Ghanaian nation from a beacon of Black freedom and Pan-African possibility to a battleground over the meanings of African sovereignty in a post-9/11 world, this important book addresses pressing questions concerning the operation of US power in Africa and the production and legitimation of a racialized global hierarchy.